Geopolitik Energi

April 25, 2007


Copyright Petroleum Economist Ltd. (UK) 1991.
Petroleum Economist. Vol 58, Issue n10, Oct, 1991, p19(2).

Oil Hopes Hinge on North Somalia

Maria Kielmas

A UN-funded study points to oil potential in Ethiopia and Somalia. Maria Kielmas talked to emerging rulers in the region about their oil policies.

Wars in countries comprising the Horn of Africa put on hold the first real spark of international industry interest in the region's oil prospects. As a variety of political factions wrestle for control in Ethiopia and Somalia, only one group, the Somali National Movement (SNM), which controls the self-proclaimed Republic of Somaliland in northern Somalia, has maintained a positive policy towards foreign oil investment.

Aside from the political conflict, oil exploration in the African Horn has generally been neglected because of a widespread perception throughout the industry that the region is gas-prone and both inaccessible and expensive to explore. The countries around the Gulf of Aden and Red Sea are regarded as too poor to afford the necessary infrastructure for gas development.

April 21, 2007


The costs of maintaining a presence in the Persian Gulf are too real (klik aja) 





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April 18, 2007


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Sumber: CIA


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April 12, 2007


Bayangkan, bagaimana rasanya jika kita hidup tanpa energi? Anda membaca sebuah artikel telah tertata rapi dalam sebuah surat kabar. Tapi, tahukah Anda bagaimana surat kabar bisa tercetak? Proses cetak surat kabar membutuhkan daya listrik untuk menggerakkan mesin-mesin pencetak. Daya listrik itu sendiri dihasilkan dari sebuah proses energi dari pembangkit listrik. Sedangkan pembangkit listrik itu sendiri membutuhkan energy resources. Tercatat di tahun 2004, 45,5 persen kapasitas pembangkit listrik di Indonesia membutuhkan bahan bakar minyak sebagai energy resource untuk menghasilkan daya listrik.


Itu masih cerita bagaimana daya listrik dibutuhkan untuk sebuah industri. Bagaimana dengan rumah Anda? Itu sebagian cerita soal listrik.


Lalu, bagaimana juga dengan alat transportasi? Alat transportasi, baik milik sipil dan militer, membutuhkan sumber energi juga untuk bergerak. Di dunia, sumber energi yang sangat dibutuhkan untuk menggerakkan alat transportasi adalah minyak bumi. Tak terbayang, bagaimana jika terdapat sebuah negara memiliki pesawat tempur dan kapal perang canggih tapi hanya menjadi sebuah hiasan, dikarenakan pasokan BBM-nya tidak tersedia aman? Tak terbayang pula, jika saat ini, alat transportasi di semua penjuru dunia benar-benar lepas dari minyak bumi. Bisa jadi, kita kembali lagi menunggang kuda dan keledai. Maukah kita?


Energy Security and Southeast Asia: The Impact on Maritime Boundary and Territorial Disputes


Volume IX, No. 4. Fall 2005

Written by Dr Clive Schofield and Dr Ian Storey

Malaysia and Indonesia became embroiled in a war of words over a potentially oil-rich maritime zone off Borneo in March 2005: the Ambalat offshore area. Both sides rushed forces to the disputed area, leading to fears over a potential conflict. Meanwhile, rising oil prices have pushed three disputants in the South China Sea – namely China, the Philippines, and Vietnam – to agree to joint seismic studies in the area, indicating a potential breakthrough in the dispute. The objective of this article is to examine the genesis of the dispute over Ambalat, assess its underlying causes, explore the parties’ competing national maritime jurisdictional claims and address prospects for its resolution. In this context, a brief analysis of the International Court of Justice’s 2002 award of the Sipadan and Ligitan Islands to Malaysia is included. These developments will then be compared and contrasted with recent events in the South China Sea. In particular, the energy security concerns that underpin renewed interest in maritime Southeast Asia will be assessed.

Dr Clive Schofield is a Senior Lecturer at the Centre for Maritime Policy, University of Wollongong, Australia. He specializes in research on the delimitation of international maritime boundaries and related oceans policy.

Dr Ian Storey is an Assistant Professor at the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies (APCSS), Honolulu, Hawaii. He specializes in Southeast Asian security issues. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the APCSS, U.S. Pacific Command, the U.S. Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government.


Over the past several years, rising global oil prices have focused attention on the issue of energy security – the need for countries to ensure continued access to energy resources, especially oil and gas, both at home and abroad. Nowhere is this concern more acute than in the Asia-Pacific region, home to some of the fastest growing but energy-resource poor countries in the world. Indeed, this is part of the reason why oil prices have risen so quickly: demand for crude oil from China, and increasingly India, has helped push oil prices to record highs. China’s oil consumption rose by 15.8 percent in 2004 alone and shows no sign of slackening.1 For example, Chinese demand for motor vehicles rose by 56 percent in 2002 and a staggering 75 percent in 2003, yet ownership levels stand at only around eight cars per 1,000 people as compared with the global average of 120.2 China, a net oil importer since 1993, is now the second largest consumer of oil after the United States. China’s imports of crude oil have risen from 20 million tons in 1996 to 122 million tons in 2004. Future growth predictions vary, but all show spiraling demand: conservative estimates put the PRC’s crude oil imports at 150 million tons by 2010 and 250-300 million tons by 2020.

In this context, exploration for seabed hydrocarbon resources is often seen as a key way to reduce supply uncertainty, a fact which gives maritime jurisdictional disputes an energy security dimension. Energy security concerns have also translated into increased concern over access to and control over key sea lanes of communication (SLOCs). Additionally, concerned states are reacting to the energy security challenge by taking measures to reduce their dependence through conservation measures and diversification to alternative energy sources. There have also been moves to establish energy stockpiles as a means to limit the impact of possible interruptions to supply.

Gaining access to energy resources can engender both competition and cooperation among states. Many security analysts believe that competition is the norm, and that enhancing energy security is a zero sum game – every barrel of oil that one country acquires is one less for another. There have been several prominent examples of this phenomenon in the Asia-Pacific of late. China and Japan have been actively courting Russia in an effort to tap into its vast oil reserves located in eastern Siberia, a competition Beijing seems to have won. More serious tensions between China and Japan are brewing in the East China Sea, over access to natural gas. Nevertheless, the exploitation of energy resources can also foster cooperation among states.3

This article examines how energy security concerns have impacted maritime boundary and territorial disputes in Southeast Asia. Two case studies are examined. The first involves overlapping maritime boundary claims between Indonesia and Malaysia over Ambalat off the east coast of Borneo. The second examines recent developments in the long-running South China Sea dispute and, in particular, a recent agreement among China, the Philippines, and Vietnam to conduct joint scientific studies as a first step toward ascertaining hydrocarbon deposits in the disputed waters of the Spratly Islands. The first case study highlights competition between states, the second cooperation. However, as each study demonstrates, energy security is but one driver of the region’s complex territorial disputes.

April 11, 2007


Selepas invansi Amerika Serikat (AS) ke Irak pada Maret 2003, nafsu AS ternyata masih tak bisa dibendung untuk mencoba “invansi” Iran lewat isu yang sama: nuklir. Iran dikhawatirkan akan memproduksi senjata pemusnah massal (Weapon Mass Destruction / WMD) melalui senjata nuklir. Padahal Iran telah mengklaim tenaga nuklir hanya digunakan sebagai bahan pembangkit listrik; demi perdamaian. Padahal, pada tahun 1974, Iran di bawah Shah Reza Pahlevi, AS men-support pembangunan reaktor nuklir Bushehr. Kali ini, isu ancaman senjata nuklir Iran kembali digunakan AS. Sungguh kampungan!


(Klik untuk mempebesar/download)

Sumber: The Washington Post

Dulu, isu senjata nuklir pernah berhasil digunakan oleh AS ke Irak. AS menginvansi Irak, dunia pun seakan tak bisa berbuat banyak; termasuk Indonesia. Di AS sendiri, isu senjata nuklir dianggap sebagai “kebohongan” terhadap publik AS. Sebuah media massa AS, The Washington Post sempat mempertanyakan alasan serangan AS ke Irak. Sandi Invasi AS ke Irak bernama Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF) malah diplesetkan publik AS menjadi Operation Iraqi Liberation (OIL !).

Kali ini, Resolusi DK PBB diputuskan. Aneh tapi nyata, Indonesia mendukung resolusi dengan alasan mendukung penciptaan kawasan bebas senjata nuklir di Timur Tengah. Secara tak sadar, itu sebuah resolusi yang secara tidak langsung mendukung AS. AS dan sekutunya sangat berkepentingan atas wilayah Timur Tengah, demi kepentingan energy security-nya. Kepentingan energy security tersebut demi terjaganya dominasi AS di dunia. Jika begitu, apa yang diperoleh Indonesia atas keluarnya Resolusi tersebut? Tidak ada? Bisa jadi, Indonesia ditekan AS dikarenakan lemahnya kepemimpinan nasional. Sungguh memalukan.

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April 9, 2007

Halliburton completes oil field projects in Iran

Halliburton completes oil field projects in Iran

The Associated Press Published: April 9, 2007

HOUSTON: Oil field services provider Halliburton Co., which announced in 2005 it would accept no new contracts in Iran but would honor existing agreements, said Monday it has completed all contractual commitments and is no longer working in the Middle Eastern country. The company’s announcement came on the same day Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad said his country was now capable of producing nuclear fuel on an “industrial scale,” expanding a nuclear program that has drawn U.N. sanctions and condemnation from the West.Dave Lesar, Halliburton’s chairman and chief executive, said in January 2005 the company would wind down operations in Iran, which were done through a foreign-owned subsidiary. Lesar said at the time the services provided were legal, and the company reiterated the point Monday.”Halliburton’s prior business in Iran was clearly permissible under applicable laws and regulations,” it said in a statement.

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